The streets of France have once again become a stage for raw, explosive anger, and this time the world is watching through a lens that is heavily distorted. What began as a teachers’ strike at a secondary school in Créteil on September 17 spiraled into a nationwide movement, with hundreds of schools joining in and hundreds of thousands of citizens taking to the streets. By Saturday, police estimated that 550,000 people had joined demonstrations across the country, while trade unions put the number even higher, at 800,000. The protests turned violent in many places: town halls were set ablaze, shops were looted, and more than a thousand people were arrested. In Limoges, the town hall’s historic campanile collapsed under the flames; in Marseille, Lille, Bordeaux, and even near the Élysée Palace in Paris, serious clashes erupted between protestors and security forces. The government reported around 1,200 arrests and 150 injured police officers and gendarmes. But amid the smoke and chaos, a quieter and equally dangerous battle was being waged—a battle over the story itself. According to a new 15-page assessment by the Disinformation Commission, dated October 18, the unrest is fundamentally a homegrown protest movement, not a foreign-directed conspiracy. Yet the document makes clear that external actors, especially Russia and Iran, have actively exploited the violence to serve their own political agendas, while far-right influencers have done more than anyone to twist the narrative into a misleading tale of migrant-driven civil war.
The report is emphatic on one crucial point: “The unrest in France is a home-grown protest movement. We found no evidence that a foreign state started it or directs it.” That conclusion matters in an era when governments and citizens alike are quick to blame shadowy outside forces for internal turmoil. But the authors also stress that the absence of foreign orchestration has not stopped foreign manipulation. Russian operatives, in particular, have moved swiftly and cynically to weaponize the crisis. A Russian disinformation operation known as Matryoshka produced around 20 fabricated news reports in just two days, impersonating trusted outlets such as Agence France-Presse, Deutsche Welle, and Le Monde. The fake stories were lurid and designed to shock: claims that 54 French teachers had been killed, that former prime minister Gabriel Attal had financed the riots, and that the Pope had cancelled a visit after being attacked by Muslim pupils. The strategy, as the assessment notes, followed a familiar pattern: “impersonate trusted media, then tag fact-checkers to draw attention.” In other words, the goal was not necessarily to convince everyone, but to create confusion, provoke outrage, and force journalists to spend time debunking nonsense rather than covering the real roots of the protests. Interestingly, the investigators found that this particular operation attracted relatively little online traffic, suggesting that many users were not fooled by its crude fabrications. But the very existence of these false stories reveals a broader ambition: to destabilize public trust in Western institutions and to portray France as a country collapsing into anarchy, a narrative that fits neatly into the Kremlin’s broader messaging about European decline.
Iran’s involvement took a different shape, less about inventing events and more about amplifying political hypocrisy. Between September 21 and October 9, the Iranian foreign ministry and its diplomatic missions published 34 social media posts that together attracted more than 1.3 million views. These posts accused France of double standards, pointing out the contrast between its professed values of liberty and equality and its harsh treatment of protesters. The campaign was effective enough to provoke a diplomatic confrontation: on October 7, Paris summoned Iran’s ambassador over what it called “false content disseminated online by official accounts of the Iranian Foreign Ministry.” While these posts did not invent the violence, they sought to frame it in a way that undermined French moral authority, particularly in the eyes of audiences in the Middle East and the Global South. The assessment also raises a more unsettling concern about the role of artificial intelligence in amplifying state propaganda. Investigators tested three major AI chatbots—ChatGPT, Google’s Gemini, and Perplexity—by asking 24 questions about the unrest. Although none of the models repeated the false allegations, Perplexity included a website linked to a Russian propaganda network known as Pravda, or Portal Kombat, among its sources when asked whether Russia was responsible for the protests. This is what the authors call the network working as designed: “being retrieved when someone asks the exact question it exists to shape.” In an age when more and more people turn to AI for answers, the ability of propaganda networks to penetrate search results and training data is a worrying development, because it means that even neutral-sounding technology can become a vector for influence operations, often without users ever realizing it.
Perhaps the most striking finding of the report, however, is that the loudest and most widely seen distortions did not come from Moscow or Tehran at all. They came from far-right influencers in France and abroad, who took authentic-looking but old videos and presented them as evidence of the current unrest. The assessment names British activist Tommy Robinson and American commentators Alex Jones and Benny Johnson as prominent figures who shared or promoted such misleading footage. One video showed burning vehicles, but it actually dated from Kurdish demonstrations in Paris in December 2022. Another clip of a burning bus was from January 2023, and footage of Paris Saint-Germain football celebrations from May 2026 was falsely presented as proof that the country had descended into disorder. The impact of these posts was enormous: Robinson’s post alone drew roughly 800,000 views, while another account sharing the same footage received more than eight million. In total, the report estimates that this far-right content attracted about ten times the audience of all the state-linked propaganda examined. The repeated theme in these videos and captions was that France was experiencing a migrant “civil war,” a narrative designed to inflame xenophobia and distrust of immigration. The assessment stresses that “foreign far-right influencers are the biggest distorting force” in the entire information ecosystem surrounding the protests. There were also commercial accounts, including some linked to West Africa, that distributed misleading material simply to generate advertising revenue, showing that opportunism, not ideology, is sometimes the main driver of disinformation.
Despite this tangled web of bad actors, the report is careful to avoid overstatement. It found no evidence of cooperation or coordination between Russian or Iranian state operations and the far-right influencers who amplified the false narrative. The most likely explanation, the authors conclude, is that the protest movement is organic, and that separate actors are exploiting it for their own reasons—some for geopolitical advantage, others for ideological crusades, and still others for profit. This is a far messier and more sobering conclusion than the comforting idea of a single puppet master pulling all the strings. The report also questions the French government’s own attempts to blame the left-wing party La France Insoumise for orchestrating the protests, noting that the intelligence evidence cited was geographically limited and did not fully support such a sweeping claim. This is an important reminder that disinformation is not solely the domain of foreign enemies; domestic political actors, including governments themselves, are often tempted to simplify complex social crises into neat narratives of conspiracy and blame. By doing so, they risk playing into the hands of the very forces seeking to destabilize democratic discourse. The report’s authors warn that with so much authentic footage of serious rioting now widely available, future manipulation may shift focus away from proving the violence exists and toward identifying the protesters as migrants, Islamists, or foreign agitators—labels designed to delegitimize legitimate grievances and deepen social divisions.
What does this all mean for the road ahead? The assessment is not merely a diagnosis; it is a call to action. The authors recommend further investigation of online networks in the lead-up to a French Senate debate on October 27 and another nationwide strike planned for November 5, both of which are likely to generate fresh waves of content and counter-content. Beyond the immediate French context, the report serves as a stark reminder of how fragile the information landscape has become. In the space of a few weeks, a genuine uprising rooted in real social and economic grievances was buried under an avalanche of fake news, recycled videos, and cynical political propaganda. The public is left with the difficult task of sifting through fragments, trying to distinguish between credible journalism and state-backed invention, between a genuine protest and a manufactured spectacle. The authors of the report encourage media literacy, fact-checking, and a careful skepticism toward any content that fits too neatly into a preferred narrative. But they also make clear that the burden cannot fall solely on ordinary citizens. Tech companies, AI developers, and political leaders must take responsibility for the ways their platforms and words can be used to spread chaos. The French protests are first and foremost a domestic story, a story of teachers, students, and citizens demanding change. But in the age of information warfare, even the most local of struggles can become a global battleground, where every image is contested and every claim is a weapon. The report’s greatest value lies in its insistence on nuance: yes, foreign actors are exploiting the crisis; yes, far-right influencers are distorting reality; yes, AI can be gamed. But no, this is not a foreign plot, and the responsibility for restoring truth lies with everyone.

