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Burnham launches stunning attack on ‘repulsive and insidious’ Russia misinformation attacks

News RoomBy News RoomSeptember 23, 202610 Mins Read
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Sometimes a story arrives with its own warning built into it. The article about this UN address names Andy Burnham as the speaker, but the person who actually stood in front of the General Assembly was Keir Starmer, the UK prime minister and Labour leader. That mix-up is worth noting, because the entire speech was about how easy it is for truth to be bent, renamed and repackaged. Starmer condemned Russia for what he called an “insidious campaign” of misinformation against the UK, and he used the occasion to announce a new National Centre for Information Defence, a dedicated unit meant to confront online lies, manipulated images and deepfakes that threaten British interests. He told the world that the UK and its allies had been subjected to an “industrial-scale assault” by hostile states, with Russia leading the way. The word industrial matters. This is not a few angry people in a basement; it is a machine of lies, funded by the state and running around the clock. The aim, in Starmer’s telling, is to make ordinary people feel unsafe, confused and afraid of their own society. It is hard to describe what it feels like to watch your country being slowly poisoned in public. But Starmer tried, and his language was unusually direct. Russian agencies had used bots, fake websites, falsified newspaper articles, and forged the branding of 28 British organisations, including universities and the BBC. In other words, they had made lies look like trusted institutions. They had amplified far-right narratives, stoked division, and preyed on people’s fears. The speech was not a dry policy statement. It was a warning that the information people see every day, the stories they scroll past, the outrage that seems to come out of nowhere, may not always be real or organic.

Perhaps the most serious charge was that Russia tried to interfere in the UK’s 2019 general election. This claim was first made in 2020 by Dominic Raab, the then foreign secretary, who said Russia had amplified an illicitly acquired NHS dossier on social media. Now the prime minister was repeating it at the UN, with the full weight of official intelligence behind him. The image is deeply disturbing: during a democratic vote, a foreign power uses stolen health-service documents and coordinated social media activity to shape public opinion. It is not a physical invasion, but it is an attack on the very idea of democracy. Starmer described how Russia has tried to stir up tension and unrest in the wake of horrific events, using tragedy as a recruiting ground for division. “The idea that anyone would try to use such things to their advantage is just repulsive – but it is what they do,” he said. For ordinary people, this is difficult to hear. It suggests that some of the ugliest arguments online, the rage that flares up after attacks, the distrust aimed at institutions like the BBC, may not come from genuine public feeling alone. That does not mean every angry tweet is a Russian plot. But it does mean that hostile actors are pouring fuel on fires that already exist. The claim about the 2019 election matters because it moves the conversation from vague talk about disinformation to concrete interference with a nation’s democratic process. The British public voted in that election, and now they are being told that a foreign power tried to shape the information they saw. It is a violation of democratic sovereignty that strikes at the heart of what it means to be a citizen.

Why would a country spend so much effort on lies? The prime minister pointed to the scale of Moscow’s investment: around £1.3 billion a year is spent on manipulating information, according to the UK government’s assessment. That figure is staggering, but it becomes even more sinister when you think about how it is spent. This is not money for weapons or soldiers; it is money for algorithms, fake accounts, targeted advertisements, forged articles and deepfake videos, all designed to make people feel hopeless and divided. And with the rise of artificial intelligence, the problem is only going to get worse. Deepfakes can put words in a politician’s mouth that they never said. Automated networks can spread lies faster than fact-checkers can catch them. Fake images can make it look like something happened that never did. Starmer warned that unless action is taken, AI will supercharge this already dangerous campaign. He also spoke about vulnerability in a deeply human way. Certain people are much more susceptible to misinformation than others. If you are struggling with the cost of living and your life is not improving, or if you are a young person not in employment, education or training, you are exactly the kind of person this propaganda is designed to reach. That is an observation that feels personal. Disinformation does not affect everyone equally. It thrives on insecurity, loneliness and frustration. When someone is tired, worried about paying bills, or feels left behind, a message that offers a simple explanation – blame immigrants, blame the government, blame a shadowy elite – can feel dangerously convincing. The prime minister called this an “insidious campaign that reaches into people’s homes and twists what they feel about their own country and community,” creating a narrative of decline, stoking division and sowing despair. The language is emotional, but the point is practical: information warfare is social warfare, and its first casualties are often the people who are already struggling.

Perhaps the most important part of the speech was the prime minister’s admission that the UK has not always been honest about the scale of the problem. “We have tiptoed around this for too long,” he said. “Over the last decade we have given too much ground to those who want to run a negative, corrosive narrative about life in Britain, which bears no resemblance to reality. Well, no more.” This is a deliberate shift in tone. It acknowledges that the response to disinformation has sometimes been timid, perhaps because governments did not want to seem paranoid, or because the line between influence and free speech felt difficult to draw. But Starmer argued that the future has to be different. “We are going to face the new decade in a different way – with our eyes wide open.” He promised to be much prouder in standing up for British values and the rule of law. What does that mean in practice? It likely means a more aggressive communications strategy, more investment in digital literacy, closer work with social media platforms, and a willingness to name hostile actors in public. But it is also an emotional message. The government, he seemed to be saying, will not be embarrassed to defend its own country. When a hostile power spends billions trying to convince British citizens that their country is in terminal decline, the response cannot simply be a report or a committee. It has to be a clear statement of belief in the country itself. The prime minister’s words were aimed at both domestic and international audiences: to British voters, tired of doom-laden headlines and online toxicity, and to foreign leaders, who needed to hear that the UK is no longer willing to accept this shadow war as a fact of life. It was a call to wake up, to stop being naive, and to treat information as a national security issue.

The speech did not happen in a political vacuum. Just before he spoke, Donald Trump had claimed that the British leader’s rhetoric toward Moscow had been “too tough” and that the UK government “needs to be a little bit careful.” Trump, who has often questioned support for Ukraine and shown admiration for strongmen, seemed to be cautioning against a harder line on Russia. The contrast between Trump’s remarks and Starmer’s speech could hardly have been sharper. Here was one Western leader telling the world that Russia was an existential threat to truth and democracy, while another prominent figure was suggesting that the UK should soften its approach. Downing Street was quick to push back. The prime minister’s official spokesperson said every UK prime minister had been consistent in the view that Russia’s threats were “egregious and unacceptable.” They added: “The UK is united with our allies on the importance of defending ourselves, and Russia’s aggression will not deter us from supporting Ukraine.” That last line matters. It connects the fight against disinformation to the real-world war in Ukraine. Russia’s information campaign is not separate from its military campaign; both are aimed at destabilising Europe and shaping the international order. If the West is seen to flinch, or to argue among itself, the Kremlin wins. Trump’s comments were a reminder that the West is not always united on how to handle Russia. But the UK government’s response made clear that, at least for now, it sees no room for equivocation. The prime minister’s speech and Downing Street’s statement were two sides of the same coin: a promise to defend the UK from both armed aggression and silent manipulation, and to do so in partnership with allies. For the British public, it was also a reassurance that their leaders are aware of the threat and are prepared to respond to it, not by escalating a shooting war, but by defending the information space with the same seriousness as they would defend land, sea and air.

At its heart, this story is about something every person can understand: the difference between being able to trust what you see and being caught in a world where nothing seems real. The prime minister’s address was a warning, but it was also a promise to fight back. It acknowledged that the UK has been too slow, too polite, and too naive in responding to a massive, well-funded effort to tear at the social fabric. The new National Centre for Information Defence may sound like a bureaucratic institution, but it represents something more human: the decision to treat lies as seriously as we treat bombs. The next few years will bring more artificial intelligence, more deepfakes, more attempts to manipulate opinion. The vulnerability of ordinary people, especially those already struggling financially or emotionally, will not disappear overnight. But the tone of this speech suggests a change in attitude. Instead of wringing its hands, the government is saying it will meet the challenge head-on, with clearer messages, stronger alliances and a more confident defence of democratic values. For the rest of us, the lesson is not to assume that every sensational piece of content online is true or organic. It is to be more thoughtful, more prepared to question what we see, and more aware that some of the anger and despair flooding our social media feeds may not come from our neighbours; it may come from a far-away room full of algorithms designed to divide us. The prime minister ended his message with a refusal to accept defeat: no more tiptoeing, no more ground given to those who want Britain to believe the worst about itself. That is the kind of response that feels human, because it comes from frustration, love of country, and a simple desire to protect the truth. Whether the new defence unit will succeed is another question. But at least someone is finally saying, out loud, that the battle for information is a battle for people’s hearts and minds, and that it must be fought with courage, clarity and a renewed faith in the very values disinformation seeks to destroy.

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