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Transgender woman can’t invoke Section 69 BNS in false promise of marriage case: Allahabad High Court

News RoomBy News RoomOctober 17, 2026Updated:October 17, 20267 Mins Read
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Behind every legal judgment is a human story, and for transgender people in India, the law has often been a source of confusion, fear, and erasure. In a recent clarification, the Court addressed a painful gap in the criminal justice system: what happens when a transgender person experiences sexual abuse? The answer, the Court explained, is that they are not entirely without protection. A transgender person can invoke the provisions of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, if they face sexual abuse of any kind. This may sound like a narrow legal point, but for someone who has survived violence, it is the difference between being seen and being ignored. The Court’s words offer a reminder that even when the law is imperfect, it can still be used as a shield. It acknowledged that sexual abuse against transgender persons is a real and punishable offense, and that the 2019 Act provides a specific legal path for seeking justice. In a society where transgender people are disproportionately targeted for violence, harassment, and humiliation, this clarification matters. It tells a survivor that their suffering is not legally invisible, and that the courts are willing to interpret existing law in a way that includes them.

The specific protection comes from Section 18(d) of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019. According to the Court, this section says that any harm or injury, including physical abuse and sexual abuse, is punishable under that provision. The punishment for such abuse is imprisonment of up to two years. On its face, two years may feel woefully inadequate for an act as devastating as sexual violence. It is far less than the sentences typically associated with rape under criminal law, which can extend to life imprisonment. But the Court was careful to point out that this is a specific provision that explicitly names sexual abuse in the context of transgender persons. In other words, the law does not leave transgender survivors in a complete vacuum. They can go to court, file a complaint, and rely on a statute that recognizes the particular vulnerability of transgender people. This is not the same as saying that the law is perfect, or that two years is a just punishment for every kind of sexual violence. But it is a starting point, and for many survivors, having a legal provision that names what happened to them is an important step toward healing. It gives their pain a language, and it gives their claim a legal basis.

The Court also addressed a broader, more uncomfortable reality: the criminal law’s definition of rape has not kept pace with the lives of transgender people. In 2023, the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs submitted a report to the Rajya Sabha. In that report, the committee recommended that the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, or BNS, the new criminal code that replaced the old Indian Penal Code, should be amended to bring a transgender woman within the purview of rape. The recommendation was a recognition that sexual violence against transgender women is often as brutal and as traumatic as sexual violence against cisgender women, and that the law should reflect that reality. The committee understood that when a transgender woman is raped, she does not experience a lesser crime. She experiences the same violation, the same terror, and the same lasting wounds. To exclude her from the definition of rape is to say that her body and her dignity are somehow less worthy of protection. It is to say that the word “woman” in the law is a door that she is not allowed to walk through, no matter how she lives, identifies, or suffers.

But the recommendation was not accepted by Parliament. The Court noted that the word “woman” under the BNS does not include a transgender woman. This is a significant and painful gap. It means that if a transgender woman is raped, the law may not call it rape. It may be described as sexual abuse, as hurt, or as some other offense, but the specific crime of rape, with its particular history, its particular gravity, and its particular consequences, remains unavailable to her. This is not just a matter of terminology. It is a matter of recognition. When the law refuses to name an act, it refuses to fully acknowledge the harm done to the person who experienced it. A survivor who is told that what happened to her does not legally count as rape may feel erased all over again. She may wonder whether the justice system sees her at all. The Court’s observation is therefore both a clarification and a lament. It tells us where the law stands, but it also exposes how far the law still has to go.

The human cost of this legal gap is difficult to overstate. Transgender people, especially transgender women, face staggeringly high rates of violence, discrimination, and abuse. They are often pushed out of schools, families, and workplaces, and forced into margins where danger is a constant companion. When they are attacked, they are often met with indifference, mockery, or even blame. The law should be a refuge, but too often it has been another source of rejection. This is why the Court’s clarification matters, even if it is limited. By saying that Section 18(d) of the 2019 Act can be invoked in cases of sexual abuse, the Court has given lawyers, activists, and survivors a tool. It is a tool that can be used now, without waiting for Parliament to act. It is a way to push back against the assumption that transgender people have no legal recourse. At the same time, the Court’s words about the BNS remind us that legal tools are not enough. A transgender woman who has been raped deserves more than a two-year provision for sexual abuse. She deserves to have her experience recognized with the same seriousness, the same language, and the same legal weight as any other woman’s. She deserves to be able to stand before a court and say, “I was raped,” and have the law believe her.

In the end, this ruling is a step, not a destination. It affirms that transgender persons are protected from sexual abuse under the 2019 Act, and that is important. It also acknowledges that Parliament was asked to extend the definition of rape to include transgender women, and chose not to. That is a missed opportunity, and the Court has quietly recorded it. For those who have been waiting for the law to catch up with their lives, the message is mixed: there is some protection, but not enough; there is some recognition, but not full. The Court has done what courts can do within the limits of the law, but real change must come from lawmakers. It must come from a society willing to see transgender women as women, transgender men as men, and non-binary people as fully human. Until then, survivors will continue to rely on partial protections, on the compassion of judges, and on the courage of activists who refuse to let the law forget them. The hope is that this clarification will be used to protect lives today, and that the conversation it has opened will push the country toward a more honest and inclusive legal future. Every person deserves to be safe, to be believed, and to be seen by the law. The Court has reminded us of that, one paragraph at a time.

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