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Democrat Bob Brooks tells Rep. Ryan Mackenzie to take down ‘false and defamatory’ ads in Lehigh Valley swing district race

News RoomBy News RoomOctober 18, 2026Updated:October 19, 20268 Mins Read
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In the closing weeks of one of the most tightly watched congressional races in the country, a Pennsylvania Democrat is fighting not just for votes but for his good name. Bob Brooks, a retired firefighter and union leader from Bethlehem, has spent his life serving his community—first in uniform, then at the bargaining table, and now on the campaign trail. But in a 30-second television ad paid for by his Republican opponent and national party allies, Brooks is accused of something far more serious than political disagreement: criminal misconduct. The ad claims Brooks ran a lawn-care and snowplowing business without the workers’ compensation insurance required by state law, painting him as a man who broke the rules while presenting himself as a working-class champion. For a candidate whose entire appeal rests on authenticity and blue-collar credibility, the charge cuts deep. It also, according to his attorneys, isn’t true. Faced with what he calls a false and defamatory attack, Brooks has done what few candidates have the nerve to do this close to Election Day: he’s fighting back with a legal demand, asking his opponent to pull the ad and issue a public retraction. The dispute is messy, personal, and deeply revealing about the way modern campaigns are fought—where a family business becomes a political weapon, a LinkedIn page becomes evidence, and a person’s life story is twisted into a caricature in the span of a few seconds of television.

The battle over Brooks’s business is rooted in a story that first emerged in July from the Washington Free Beacon, a conservative publication. It alleged that Brooks Lawn Care, a side business he ran while working as a firefighter, appeared to have operated for at least two years without workers’ comp coverage despite having employees. The key evidence cited was a LinkedIn page belonging to Brooks’s son, which stated that he worked at the company and managed other people during those years. Pennsylvania law generally requires businesses to carry workers’ compensation insurance if they have at least one employee, including family members. To the Republican campaign, this was a gift: a way to undermine the very story that made Brooks appealing. Mackenzie’s team seized on it, producing ads that called Brooks a fraud and a criminal, and sharing them on social media with the taunt that Brooks was “no working man.” It was a brutal attack, designed to cut at the heart of his credibility. But Brooks’s lawyers say the entire premise is based on a misreading of the facts. In a letter sent to Mackenzie and the National Republican Congressional Committee, attorney James C. Lamb laid out a different timeline: Brooks had no employees at the business during the period in question. The last worker left two months before the policy lapsed in November 2017, making the business a sole proprietorship—and therefore exempt from the insurance requirement. The son’s LinkedIn page, the lawyer argued, was simply inaccurate, and the ad built on that error was not just wrong but knowingly false.

The legal letter is striking in its directness. Lamb wrote that the statements in the ad are “false and defamatory,” and warned that any continued broadcast of them would be considered publication with knowledge of falsity, which constitutes actual malice under defamation law. He demanded that Mackenzie’s campaign and the NRCC pull the ads and post a retraction online by 9:30 Monday morning. It’s a serious move, and one that signals Brooks is not willing to simply absorb the attack and hope voters see through it. The response from the other side was equally firm. Mackenzie’s campaign doubled down, pointing again to the son’s LinkedIn page, which as of Sunday still described him as a full-time employee during the years in question. They insisted that state law requires coverage even for family members, and accused Brooks of trying to use lawyers to “clean up his lies, frauds, and crooked schemes.” The campaign also claimed that the LinkedIn page’s previous mention of additional employees had been “scrubbed,” suggesting an effort to hide the truth. The NRCC, which helps fund the ad, issued its own statement saying it stood by every word. Richardson, a spokesperson for the committee, framed the issue as one of simple fairness: Brooks ran his business for years without the coverage the law requires, while family members were running crews for him. Now, she said, he wants lawyers to make it go away. Both sides are entrenched, and the ad continues to air, paid for in part by the millions of dollars flowing into what has become the most expensive congressional race in Pennsylvania this fall.

This is not the first time a Pennsylvania candidate has resorted to a cease-and-desist letter in a desperate effort to stop a damaging narrative, and it probably won’t be the last. These letters are a familiar feature of high-stakes campaigns, often ignored as the political machinery grinds on and voters are bombarded with attack ads in the final days before Election Day. In July, Bucks County Democrat Bob Harvie sent a similar letter to Republican incumbent Brian Fitzpatrick after Fitzpatrick began running ads suggesting Harvie was under FBI investigation. That letter didn’t stop the claims, and Harvie eventually went further, filing a defamation lawsuit against a political action committee that was airing the attacks. The fact that Brooks is following a similar path speaks to how serious he considers the accusation—and how much he believes it could cost him with voters who are already skeptical of politicians. It also highlights a troubling reality of modern politics: that candidates are often forced to choose between fighting a legal battle that may not be resolved until after the election, or staying silent while their reputation is shredded on television. In this case, Brooks has chosen to fight, but the outcome will likely be decided by voters long before any court weighs in.

The race itself is one of the most consequential in the country. The 7th Congressional District, which includes the Lehigh Valley and the Poconos, has become a battleground for control of the U.S. House. Mackenzie, a freshman Republican, narrowly flipped the seat in 2024, defeating a three-term Democrat by just 4,000 votes out of more than 400,000 cast, with Donald Trump helping Republicans sweep Pennsylvania. But two years later, the political landscape has shifted. Nonpartisan election raters now consider this the most likely of the four competitive Pennsylvania seats to flip again, in large part because Trump’s unpopularity is weighing on Republican candidates and because Democrats recruited Brooks, a natural fit for the district’s working-class voters. More than $29 million has been spent on advertising in the race since August, according to the media tracking firm AdImpact, and the contest has drawn national attention from both parties. Mackenzie has leaned heavily into his support of Trump’s agenda and has made attacks on Brooks’s background a central part of his strategy. At a Trump-themed Republican convention in Dallas last month, he laid out the controversies he says surround Brooks. In ads and social media posts since then, he’s labeled Brooks a fraud and a thief, relying largely on reporting from conservative publications to back up his claims. Brooks, for his part, has painted Mackenzie as a liar and a “lapdog” for Trump, and the race has devolved into a bitter exchange of accusations and name-calling that leaves many voters exhausted and uncertain who to believe.

Beneath the legal arguments and the political posturing, there is a human story that often gets lost in the noise. Bob Brooks is not a career politician. He’s a man who spent years fighting fires, representing his fellow firefighters, and building a small business on the side to support his family. That story is why Democrats recruited him and why so many voters in the Lehigh Valley see him as someone who understands their lives. To have that story twisted into a criminal accusation—to be called a thief and a con man on television, in front of his neighbors, his former colleagues, and his children—is devastating on a personal level. It’s one thing to lose an election; it’s another to have your name dragged through the mud in the process. And yet this is what campaigns have become. The stakes are so high, and the margins so thin, that both parties are willing to use any tool at their disposal to win. The ads will keep airing, the letters will be ignored or answered with more attacks, and voters will be left to sort through the conflicting claims as best they can. In the end, the truth may be less important than the perception, and the winner may be the candidate who can convince the most people that the other guy is the liar. That’s a cynical view, but it’s also the reality of modern American politics. For Brooks, the fight isn’t just about a seat in Congress—it’s about whether a person can run for office without having their entire life turned into a weapon against them. And for voters, it’s a reminder that behind every attack ad, there’s a real person, a real family, and a real story that’s being shaped by forces far beyond their control.

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