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Telex: From the golden toilet to the golden convoy: How Ukraine, fighting for survival, became Hungary’s primary adversary

News RoomBy News RoomJune 12, 20264 Mins Read
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This article explores the extraordinary and alarming transformation of Hungarian public discourse between 2022 and 2026, a period during which the ruling Fidesz party systematically turned Ukraine into a domestic political enemy. For years, Hungary was saturated with aggressive, state-sponsored propaganda that featured inflammatory billboards, AI-generated disinformation, and constant character assassinations of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. This campaign was not merely a local phenomenon; it was a highly coordinated effort that frequently mirrored and leveraged Russian misinformation narratives. By painting Ukraine as the primary existential threat to Hungary—and accusing the burgeoning opposition, particularly the Tisza Party, of being “pro-war” puppets of Kyiv—the government sought to consolidate power through fear, deep-seated prejudice, and the weaponization of economic grievances.

The roots of this hostility go back further than the 2022 invasion; tensions over Ukrainian language and education laws provided the initial friction that Fidesz later exploited. However, once the war began, the rhetoric shifted from diplomatic disputes to total demonization. Fidesz repurposed Russian Kremlin talking points—such as the claim that the West provoked the conflict or that Ukraine is a corrupt, neo-Nazi puppet state—and disseminated them through a captured public media, a massive billboard network, and a loyal influencer apparatus known as the “Megafon” circle. By 2023, Hungary had become a regional outlier, described by international organizations as a hub for Russian intelligence and disinformation operations, even as the government simultaneously claimed to advocate for “peace.”

The effectiveness of this strategy was tested to its limit during the 2026 election cycle. By this time, the “pro-war” label was slapped on any political opponent who questioned the government’s alignment with Moscow. The intensity reached nightmarish levels: AI-manipulated videos, “slopaganda”—absurd, cheap, but high-impact digital content—and even a high-stakes standoff where the state seized Ukrainian cargo and gold under the guise of an investigation. Yet, despite the vast resources poured into this narrative war, the public eventually reached a point of saturation. The constant drumbeat of vitriol began to lose its potency, suggesting that while disinformation can successfully exploit existing societal divisions, it cannot maintain total control when reality, fatigue, and the erosion of trust begin to tip the scales.

Crucially, experts note that the image of Russia as an “omnipotent” master of hybrid warfare is itself part of the disinformation. The 2026 election results indicated that the Hungarian populace had become increasingly wary of foreign influence, with nearly half of the voters identifying Russia as a primary meddler. This suggests that the government’s gamble—binding its political fate to a pro-Russian, anti-Ukraine narrative—eventually became a strategic dead end. The collapse of these curated propaganda bubbles has left a significant “disinformation vacuum,” though the danger remains that foreign networks will continue to seek new entry points through emerging societal tensions and alternative fringe political groups.

Understanding this period requires recognizing that modern disinformation rarely relies solely on outright lies; instead, it excels at magnifying real fears, such as economic instability or the safety of ethnic minorities, and wrapping them in toxic, emotionally charged packaging. By mapping how the same narratives simultaneously appeared across billboards, propaganda websites, and state-funded deepfakes, we gain insight into the mechanics of contemporary manipulation. The Hungarian experience serves as a stark warning about how easily democratic debate can be replaced by a permanent state of agitation, where political opponents are no longer seen as rivals, but as traitorous agents of a foreign power.

Ultimately, the Hungarian case highlights a vital, if difficult, lesson in digital literacy and civic defense. The key to resisting such propaganda lies in recognizing the “tells” of a coordinated attack: the saturation of identical messages across multiple platforms, the suppression of nuance in favor of polarizing binaries, and the deliberate exploitation of confirmation bias. As the political landscape in Budapest shifts, the legacy of these years remains: a society struggling to reconcile the facts with a manufactured reality. Protecting the public against the next wave of “slopaganda” will require not just better technology to spot deepfakes, but a fundamental return to a culture where policy is debated with facts, and neighbors are not cast as enemies for the sake of electoral gain.

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