The launch of RT (formerly Russia Today) in India marks a sophisticated tactical shift in how Moscow projects its influence abroad. Rather than attempting to manufacture new societal tensions from scratch, RT has demonstrated a refined ability to identify and exploit pre-existing fractures within the Indian public discourse. According to Dr. Precious Chatterje-Doody, a leading researcher on Russian disinformation, the network specializes in inserting itself into ongoing debates—particularly those concerning global systemic inequalities—to steer the conversation toward outcomes that serve the Kremlin’s interests. By positioning Moscow as a champion against Western hegemony, RT attempts to align Russian foreign policy objectives with the sentiments of the Indian public, often relying on historical revisionism and misleading framings, especially regarding the ongoing war in Ukraine.
This strategy is clearly visible in the editorial slant of RT’s Indian operations, which systematically cast the United States and Ukraine as destabilizing international forces. By wrapping its narratives in the context of India’s burgeoning “rise to power,” RT works to frame the New Delhi-Moscow relationship as both essential and natural. This is not merely an opinion-based exercise; it extends to the active promotion of state-aligned voices. For instance, the channel has highlighted segments on the Donbas region that feature contributors from “International Reporters”—an entity known for masquerading as a legitimate journalistic outlet while functioning as a conduit for Russian disinformation. Through these tactics, RT effectively bridges the gap between genuine Indian national interests and Kremlin-backed geopolitical narratives.
A particularly concerning aspect of this integration is the potential for RT’s disinformation strategies to find common ground with local political trends. Experts suggest that because RT has a long-established history of disseminating—or at least platforming—conspiracy theories, its arrival in India could create a symbiotic relationship with domestic actors who similarly use politically motivated misinformation to consolidate power. Because RT rarely operates in isolation, it functions as one component of a much larger influence apparatus. This synergy suggests that the channel is not just an independent media entity, but a tactical tool in a broader, multi-layered effort to shape Indian public opinion through the fusion of local grievances and international pro-Russian sentiment.
The structural foundation for this influence campaign was established through a flurry of high-level media agreements finalized around late 2025. During official visits, Moscow moved beyond mere broadcasting, securing direct operational pacts with some of India’s most influential media giants. By embedding itself within existing Indian institutions, Russia has gained an unparalleled ability to disseminate its worldview. The Press Trust of India, for example, entered into a partnership with the Russian state agency TASS, while the National Media Group—a firm closely tied to the Kremlin—forged content-sharing deals with powerhouses like Prasar Bharati and Asian News International (ANI). These agreements grant Russian media organizations access to vast domestic audiences, with public broadcasters like Prasar Bharati effectively acting as conduits for content that flows from the heart of the Russian information apparatus.
The scope of these partnerships is staggering, reaching nearly every corner of India’s media landscape. Prasar Bharati, which reaches an estimated 98% of the Indian population, has signed multiple memorandums of understanding with Russian entities, including Gazprom-Media and the parent company of RT, ANO TV-Novosti. This systemic integration is complemented by private media collaborations, such as the strategic alliance between Asian News International and the Izvestia Multimedia Information Center. Through this web of MOUs and partnerships, the Kremlin has successfully secured a mechanism to project its messaging into the daily information diet of millions of Indians, ensuring that its perspective is not merely broadcast, but woven into the fabric of the country’s main media outlets.
Ultimately, this development signifies a strategic “soft power” victory for Moscow, as it successfully piggybacks on the credibility of established Indian journalism. By appearing as a partner to major Indian media houses, RT masks its role as a state-controlled propaganda outlet, making it significantly harder for audiences to distinguish between independent reporting and Kremlin-sanctioned fiction. As these partnerships continue to mature, the danger lies not just in the volume of Russian-aligned content, but in the normalization of such narratives within the mainstream. In the battle for influence in Asia, India has become a central arena, and through these systematic media agreements, Russia has effectively purchased a front-row seat to shape the country’s national discourse for the foreseeable future.