Imagine a country, Bangladesh, right on the brink of huge change. It’s 2024, and the air is thick with tension. The Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina, is about to be forced out, and a new temporary leader, Muhammad Yunus, is stepping in. But beneath all this political drama, there’s another, more shadowy war being fought – a war of stories, of who gets to tell “the truth.”
This war didn’t just start with the regime change. For years before, whispers and explosive claims started appearing, mainly from an Indian news outlet called Northeast News, with a big shout-out to a writer named Chandan Nandy. These weren’t always solid facts, mind you. They were more like careful suggestions, guesses, and sometimes, outright made-up stories designed to create a completely different picture of what was really happening.
And it’s only gotten more intense since. After August 2026, Northeast News started publishing a whole series of articles by a new name, Enayet Kabir. They called him a “political and economic analyst,” but it was strange – his name didn’t pop up anywhere else. No other articles, no public records, nothing. It made you wonder: was this guy a real analyst, or was this just another part of the bigger plan to re-write history and control the story of one of Bangladesh’s most important political shifts?
Three years before the big shift in 2024, as Hasina was being ousted and Yunus stepping in, these two names, Chandan Nandy and Northeast News, were already buzzing in the ears of media and intelligence folks. They were becoming known for these “insider narratives” – stories that sounded like they came from deep within the power structure, but often lacked any real proof. For example, on August 12, 2026, Nandy wrote a report that a textile company in Dhaka was secretly partnering with Pakistani agents for defense. It raised a LOT of eyebrows, especially since there was absolutely no evidence to back it up.
Then came Enayet Kabir. Northeast News started publishing his serialized articles, calling him an expert. But when you really looked into it, it was baffling. Kabir seemed to exist only on this one platform. No other reputable news outlets, no academic papers, no policy discussions – it was as if he materialized purely to write these articles. This immediately threw up huge red flags about who this person really was, why they were writing, and what their true agenda might be. It felt less like genuine analysis and more like someone was pushing a very specific viewpoint.
When you dig into Kabir’s writings, it’s like reading echoes of stories that have been floating around the Awami League – the political party that was in power under Sheikh Hasina. It’s as if these old narratives were being dusted off and presented as fresh, insider analysis, but without any credible sources to back them up.
Now, our newspaper, Blitz, has a reputation for being tough and digging for the truth for over two decades. So, we decided to take a close look at Kabir’s claims, especially about one of the most chilling mysteries from that July-August 2024 period: the use of sniper rifles during the protests against Hasina. We’re just starting this investigation, and while we’ve already found some important clues about those sniper weapons, it’s crucial to first understand how much we can trust the stories currently floating around.
Let’s look at some specifics. On August 14, 2026, Enayet Kabir claimed that two generals, Lt Gen Iqbal Karim Bhuiyan and Lt Gen Chowdhury Hasan Sarwardy, had been planning a coup against Sheikh Hasina’s government since December 2023, by talking to other like-minded military officers. But this claim falls apart instantly. Lt Gen Chowdhury Hasan Sarwardy was actually arrested on October 31, 2023, and remained locked up until the events of August 5, 2024. How could he be actively coordinating a military network from a prison cell? It’s simply not possible.
Then, on August 15, 2026, Kabir wrote another article alleging that high-ranking officials from the DGFI (Directorate General of Forces Intelligence) tried to force Major General Ziaul Ahsan to give them several passwords for the NTMC (National Telecommunication Monitoring Center). This claim is also full of holes. The NTMC’s data is strictly controlled by the DGFI itself. The head of NTMC doesn’t even have access to these passwords. So, the idea of trying to strong-arm Ahsan for “passwords” shows a deep misunderstanding, or perhaps a deliberate misrepresentation, of how these institutions actually work.
Kabir’s claims even contradict each other within his own writings, which is a major red flag. In an article from April 14, 2026, he stated that Major General (retd) Hamidul Haque, head of DGFI, and Major General T M Jobayer, head of National Security Intelligence (NSI), deliberately withheld important intelligence, which made the situation worse. Yet, just two days later, in an April 16 article, Kabir claimed that the leadership of DGFI and NSI had already warned the government about plans to incite violence and destabilize the country. You can’t have it both ways – intelligence can’t be both “secretly held back” and “proactively delivered” at the same time. This kind of glaring inconsistency really makes you question the reliability and truthfulness of his entire narrative.
More claims from Kabir, like tensions between Major General T M Jobayer and Sheikh Hasina’s security advisor, Major General (retd) Tarique Ahmed Siddique, also don’t stand up to scrutiny. All available information shows that General Jobayer and General Siddique were actually very close, having regular contact and frequent visits at Siddique’s residence. The idea that they were at odds simply doesn’t match the known facts.
Kabir also vaguely asserts that “evidence reportedly exists” linking foreign separatists and underground groups to the August 5, 2024 transition, supposedly under the watchful eye of DGFI leadership. These claims are entirely based on shadowy references to unnamed sources and unverified “evidence.” There’s no actual proof of such evidence within Bangladesh’s intelligence system. Plus, it doesn’t make sense: if these individuals were truly instrumental in changing the government, why would they be forced into retirement instead of being rewarded?
Another unbelievable claim from Kabir states that Maj Gen Ziaul Ahsan was pressured to become a state witness and faced threats concerning his children. Here’s the critical flaw: Major General Ahsan doesn’t have any children. It’s highly improbable that officials from major institutions like the International Crimes Tribunal or the Commission on Enforced Disappearances would be unaware of such a fundamental personal detail. This huge inaccuracy completely erodes the credibility of this entire story.
Kabir also tries to connect older allegations against Lt Col Hasinur Rahman with broader institutional corruption, but this link is also weak. The well-documented corruption allegations against former Army Chief General Aziz Ahmed were exposed by Al Jazeera’s investigative reporting, backed by whistleblowers. Dragging unrelated individuals into this narrative seems either speculative or intentionally misleading.
In yet another instance, Kabir asserted that Brigadier General Abdullahil Amaan Azmi returned to Bangladesh from Turkey on August 5, 2024. This is simply and demonstrably false, and it conveniently aligns with old conspiracy theories meant to distract from serious allegations of enforced disappearances.
When you look at all these examples together, a clear pattern emerges: Kabir’s writings consistently rely on claims that can’t be verified, they contradict themselves, they contain factual errors, and their narratives are built without any real evidence.
What we’re seeing here isn’t just a few poorly written articles. It’s a calculated effort to manipulate public perception through contradictions, fabrications, and deliberate ambiguity.
The constant use of unverified sources, the internal inconsistencies, and the outright false statements raise serious questions about the true purpose behind these narratives. Whether it’s political motives, outside influence, or an attempt to hide deeper truths, these disinformation campaigns risk warping how the public understands crucial events in their country.
But amidst all this noise and all these competing stories, one critical question remains unanswered and urgent: where did those sniper rifles come from during the July-August 2024 protests, and who, if anyone, ordered them to be used?
This isn’t just a matter of guessing; it’s about accountability. It has huge implications for Bangladesh’s national security and the stability of the entire region. Blitz has launched a full-scale investigation into this. Our initial findings suggest that this might not just be about local players; there are hints of outside connections that need a very careful, evidence-based examination. While we need to fully verify these leads before we can reveal everything, they represent a significant step in understanding the broader context of what really happened.
Future parts of this investigation will share detailed findings, based on concrete evidence and cross-checked sources, to shed more light on where these weapons came from, who was involved, and what their possible motives were. Until then, in this increasingly complex world of information, it’s essential to separate verifiable facts from stories that are simply made up.